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Democracy in America — Volume 1: Chapter IV: The Principle Of The Sovereignty Of The People In America

Democracy in America — Volume 1
Chapter IV: The Principle Of The Sovereignty Of The People In America
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  1. The Project Gutenberg eBook of Democracy in America — Volume 1, by Alexis de Tocqueville
  2. DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA
  3. Translated by Henry Reeve, Esq.
  4. Contents
  5. Book One
  6. Introductory Chapter
  7. Chapter I: Exterior Form Of North America
  8. Chapter Summary
  9. Chapter II: Origin Of The Anglo-Americans—Part I
  10. Chapter Summary
  11. Chapter II: Origin Of The Anglo-Americans—Part II
  12. Chapter III: Social Conditions Of The Anglo-Americans
  13. Chapter Summary
  14. Chapter IV: The Principle Of The Sovereignty Of The People In America
  15. Chapter Summary
  16. Chapter V: Necessity Of Examining The Condition Of The States—Part I
  17. Chapter V: Necessity Of Examining The Condition Of The States—Part II
  18. Chapter V: Necessity Of Examining The Condition Of The States—Part III
    1. Legislative Power Of The State
  19. Chapter VI: Judicial Power In The United States
  20. Chapter Summary
  21. Chapter VII: Political Jurisdiction In The United States
  22. Chapter Summary
  23. Chapter VIII: The Federal Constitution—Part I
  24. Chapter Summary
  25. Summary Of The Federal Constitution
  26. Chapter VIII: The Federal Constitution—Part II
  27. Chapter VIII: The Federal Constitution—Part III
    1. Re-election Of The President
  28. Chapter VIII: The Federal Constitution—Part IV
    1. Procedure Of The Federal Courts
  29. Chapter VIII: The Federal Constitution—Part V
  30. Chapter IX: Why The People May Strictly Be Said To Govern In The United
  31. Chapter X: Parties In The United States
  32. Chapter Summary
  33. Parties In The United States
  34. Chapter XI: Liberty Of The Press In The United States
  35. Chapter Summary
  36. Chapter XII: Political Associations In The United States
  37. Chapter Summary
  38. Chapter XIII: Government Of The Democracy In America—Part I
  39. Chapter XIII: Government Of The Democracy In America—Part II
    1. Instability Of The Administration In The United States
  40. Chapter XIII: Government Of The Democracy In America—Part III
  41. Chapter XIV: Advantages American Society Derive From Democracy—Part I
  42. Chapter XIV: Advantages American Society Derive From Democracy—Part II
    1. Respect For The Law In The United States
  43. Chapter XV: Unlimited Power Of Majority, And Its Consequences—Part I
  44. Chapter Summary
  45. Chapter XV: Unlimited Power Of Majority, And Its Consequences—Part II
    1. Tyranny Of The Majority
  46. Chapter XVI: Causes Mitigating Tyranny In The United States—Part I
  47. Chapter Summary
  48. Chapter XVI: Causes Mitigating Tyranny In The United States—Part II
    1. Trial By Jury In The United States Considered As A Political Institution
  49. Chapter XVII: Principal Causes Maintaining The Democratic Republic—Part I
  50. Chapter XVII: Principal Causes Maintaining The Democratic Republic—Part II
  51. Chapter XVII: Principal Causes Maintaining The Democratic Republic—Part III
  52. Chapter XVII: Principal Causes Maintaining The Democratic Republic—Part IV
  53. Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races In The United States—Part I
  54. Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races—Part II
  55. Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races—Part III
  56. Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races—Part IV
  57. Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races—Part V
  58. Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races—Part VI
  59. Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races—Part VII
  60. Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races—Part VIII
  61. Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races—Part IX
  62. Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races—Part X
  63. Conclusion
  64. THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

Chapter IV: The Principle Of The Sovereignty Of The People In America

Chapter Summary

It predominates over the whole of society in America—Application made of this principle by the Americans even before their Revolution—Development given to it by that Revolution—Gradual and irresistible extension of the elective qualification.

The Principle Of The Sovereignty Of The People In America

Whenever the political laws of the United States are to be discussed, it is with the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people that we must begin. The principle of the sovereignty of the people, which is to be found, more or less, at the bottom of almost all human institutions, generally remains concealed from view. It is obeyed without being recognized, or if for a moment it be brought to light, it is hastily cast back into the gloom of the sanctuary. “The will of the nation” is one of those expressions which have been most profusely abused by the wily and the despotic of every age. To the eyes of some it has been represented by the venal suffrages of a few of the satellites of power; to others by the votes of a timid or an interested minority; and some have even discovered it in the silence of a people, on the supposition that the fact of submission established the right of command.

In America the principle of the sovereignty of the people is not either barren or concealed, as it is with some other nations; it is recognized by the customs and proclaimed by the laws; it spreads freely, and arrives without impediment at its most remote consequences. If there be a country in the world where the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people can be fairly appreciated, where it can be studied in its application to the affairs of society, and where its dangers and its advantages may be foreseen, that country is assuredly America.

I have already observed that, from their origin, the sovereignty of the people was the fundamental principle of the greater number of British colonies in America. It was far, however, from then exercising as much influence on the government of society as it now does. Two obstacles, the one external, the other internal, checked its invasive progress. It could not ostensibly disclose itself in the laws of colonies which were still constrained to obey the mother-country: it was therefore obliged to spread secretly, and to gain ground in the provincial assemblies, and especially in the townships.

American society was not yet prepared to adopt it with all its consequences. The intelligence of New England, and the wealth of the country to the south of the Hudson (as I have shown in the preceding chapter), long exercised a sort of aristocratic influence, which tended to retain the exercise of social authority in the hands of a few. The public functionaries were not universally elected, and the citizens were not all of them electors. The electoral franchise was everywhere placed within certain limits, and made dependent on a certain qualification, which was exceedingly low in the North and more considerable in the South.

The American revolution broke out, and the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people, which had been nurtured in the townships and municipalities, took possession of the State: every class was enlisted in its cause; battles were fought, and victories obtained for it, until it became the law of laws.

A no less rapid change was effected in the interior of society, where the law of descent completed the abolition of local influences.

At the very time when this consequence of the laws and of the revolution was apparent to every eye, victory was irrevocably pronounced in favor of the democratic cause. All power was, in fact, in its hands, and resistance was no longer possible. The higher orders submitted without a murmur and without a struggle to an evil which was thenceforth inevitable. The ordinary fate of falling powers awaited them; each of their several members followed his own interests; and as it was impossible to wring the power from the hands of a people which they did not detest sufficiently to brave, their only aim was to secure its good-will at any price. The most democratic laws were consequently voted by the very men whose interests they impaired; and thus, although the higher classes did not excite the passions of the people against their order, they accelerated the triumph of the new state of things; so that by a singular change the democratic impulse was found to be most irresistible in the very States where the aristocracy had the firmest hold. The State of Maryland, which had been founded by men of rank, was the first to proclaim universal suffrage, and to introduce the most democratic forms into the conduct of its government.

When a nation modifies the elective qualification, it may easily be foreseen that sooner or later that qualification will be entirely abolished. There is no more invariable rule in the history of society: the further electoral rights are extended, the greater is the need of extending them; for after each concession the strength of the democracy increases, and its demands increase with its strength. The ambition of those who are below the appointed rate is irritated in exact proportion to the great number of those who are above it. The exception at last becomes the rule, concession follows concession, and no stop can be made short of universal suffrage.

At the present day the principle of the sovereignty of the people has acquired, in the United States, all the practical development which the imagination can conceive. It is unencumbered by those fictions which have been thrown over it in other countries, and it appears in every possible form according to the exigency of the occasion. Sometimes the laws are made by the people in a body, as at Athens; and sometimes its representatives, chosen by universal suffrage, transact business in its name, and almost under its immediate control.

In some countries a power exists which, though it is in a degree foreign to the social body, directs it, and forces it to pursue a certain track. In others the ruling force is divided, being partly within and partly without the ranks of the people. But nothing of the kind is to be seen in the United States; there society governs itself for itself. All power centres in its bosom; and scarcely an individual is to be meet with who would venture to conceive, or, still less, to express, the idea of seeking it elsewhere. The nation participates in the making of its laws by the choice of its legislators, and in the execution of them by the choice of the agents of the executive government; it may almost be said to govern itself, so feeble and so restricted is the share left to the administration, so little do the authorities forget their popular origin and the power from which they emanate. *a [Footnote a: See Appendix, H.]

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